On July 10, Thanos Plevris, the Greek Minister of Immigration, announced a new legislation that effectively deprives the resort to those who reach Greek beaches after a treacherous trip across the Mediterranean from Africa. “Greece will not tolerate the inaccurate entry of thousands of unaccounted immigrants from North Africa,” Belfris said during an interview. The reactions against the new Greek legislation were immediately: Human rights organizations described it as illegal and called for their withdrawal. The General Associations of the Greek Al -Bar points emphasized that denying the right to asylum is a violation of international legislation and the European Union.
On the same day, but on the other side of the continent, British Prime Minister Kiir will pass a “pioneering deal” with France, which he said would target small boats, smuggle gangs and send “a clear message that these life -threatening trips are meaningless.” The UK deal was criticized by all aspects of the political spectrum. Organizations such as doctors without borders described it as “reckless”, “bad” and “dangerous”, while the Immigrant Rights Network confirmed that the new agreement will not prevent people from trying to cross into the United Kingdom.
Greece and new plans for the United Kingdom are scheduled to reduce migration, and the reason is simple: deterrent deportation does not work.
A decade ago, in the summer of 2015, the European Union faced an unimaginable crisis. The rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS, also known as ISIS), has pushed the brutal civil war in Syria and instability in Afghanistan thousands of people to search for safety and security in the European Union. The “long summer of migration” is the beginning of the alleged refugee crisis in the European Union. However, the European Union did not have a clear plan; The European Agency for Migration, which was agreed upon in May 2015, has not yet been tested.
Today, the listing of the crisis in the formation of immigration policy remains across Europe. In Greece, it has worked to justify restricted deterrence measures since 2015, making a new campaign of unanimously. For the Neolibia government, immigration is a defect in the narration of its economic success. In the UK, it is used to nourish advanced right -wing feelings. Either way, the immigration policy is designed not only to deter expatriates but also to meet local political demands.
No migration plan should not be found in isolation from the upper right to the continent. The adoption of the extreme right -wing rhetoric surrounding migrant science in both countries was used to justify inhumane policies. The justification for the new Greece policy is passed on a questionable narration of the “invasion” of Africa – a cup that called the Minister of Immigration repeatedly and repeatedly. For the Greek Minister of Immigration, the Greek borders must be strengthened, and thus the European borders, so that only the “real refugees” can enjoy the benefits of European protection. For the British government, small boats enjoy the power of “undermining border security (country), according to the Minister of Interior Yovette Coper, and thus should be prevented from entering.
Although every deportation plan is the product of various political processes in Greece, the European Union and the United Kingdom, its design and the novels used to justify them are similar in several ways. Both depict the immigrant and borders in similar phrases. For every state, the immigrant is seen as a threat to the border, and the border is seen as a need for protection. The immigrant that reaches the shores of each country is criminalized, and the term “illegal immigrant” has gained a prominent position among government officials. The border, in turn, is seen as a security mechanism that must be defended against those trying to reach it. Together, these methods create the narration of “we are in front of them” from the division. Immigrants are reduced to their migratory identity; They are seen as a mass, and their individual experiences are no longer important. As such, immigrants deserve or not deserve international protection, desirable or unwanted to the Western national state. Only those who are seen as “real refugees” are considered international protection. The “unwanted” is converted into nothing and are expelled by the border. As a result, the listing of fear is strengthened and the crisis is manufactured.
Although the events in the European borders have become known as the “refugee crisis”, it was in fact the European border crisis.
During the border crisis, the European border regime appeared stronger than ever, and the imagination of the neoliberal European Union collapsed to the world of no borders. The walls were built throughout the continent, the new border technologies were deployed to deter and expel “unwanted”, and recovery, human rights and violence violations were normalized. Death continues on the horizon above the borders of the European continent. The leading UK deal may be described as a pioneer, but the European Union deal in 2016 paved the “swap” policies. These agreements fail. The European-Turkish Union deal may have reduced the number of people crossing the Aegean Sea in the short term; However, he did not stop them. Instead, migrant roads turned, opened new roads, and made migratory flights more complicated and dangerous.
The reason for their failure: the human movement cannot be controlled. It can be said, it can be prevented or delayed, but it cannot be stopped.
These policies are rooted in racism and are deliberately designed to create division. Their main goal is to separate humans and determine who deserves to live in safety and who must be expelled from Western lands. They should not be seen in isolation from the past of the European Union, colonies and capitalism in the United Kingdom. At the same time, the scene of the border is fully organized: it results in a truly irreversible manufacturer. In fact, the essence of the deterrence of immigration is not for success but to persuade citizens that it is necessary.
The opinions expressed in this article are the authors ’king and do not necessarily reflect the position of the editorial island.
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