Is William Roto the most hated Kenyan President in history?

William Roto from Kenya has installed his position in a wave of enthusiasm among ordinary people who were hoping to rise to his promises to improve their lives. Instead, he faces an unforgettable criticism – which is seen as unparalleled in the history of the country.

It also appears that he is frustrated by the severity of the reverse reaction, he asked on Wednesday about the reason for not directing such a general anger to his predecessors, including Daniel Arab Moy, who ruled an iron grip for more than two decades that were characterized by political repression and attacks on human rights, and others who left the clouds from the controversy.

On Wednesday, Roto released: “All this chaos, why was not directed to (former presidents) Moi, MWAI KIBAKI, Uhuru Kenyatta … Why contempt and arrogance?”

Analysts describe the current wave of public anger towards President Roto, who has witnessed more than 100 people killing over the past year, as “unprecedented”, uniting the Kenyans through ethnic, religious and class sections.

The protests against his administration barely began a year after reaching power. Three years later, many Kenyans now affected want to go – amid unworthy protests with filling invitations from “Ruto Must Go” and “Ruto Wantam” (Ruto for a while).

When Roto was competing for the presidency, he portrayed himself as a joint man, who came from a childhood characterized by poverty and flexibility. He appealed to the ordinary people as a person who could be inspired by him – after he rose from the chicken seller to the president.

In contrast to this earlier this year, when a newspaper sprayed a title asking whether Roto was “the most hated president of Kenya”, a feeling often echoed through social media and public discourse platforms.

It represents an unusual change in Kenyan policy, and is often formed through ethnic loyalties and class divisions. Just as Roto was seen as exceeding those barriers that prevent the erection of the presidency, it seems that the same dynamics are now working against him.

This week, the phrase “We are all Kikuyus”, heading to social media, where young people rejected attempts to re -provide ethnic divisions that have been afflicted with a long -term Kenyan policy. A counter -narration of “We are all Kenyans” appeared but failed to obtain a similar attraction – as some see it as an attempt to relieve the expression of solidarity in the first message.

Kikoyo, the largest ethnic group in Kenya from the Kenya Mountain area, supported by an overwhelming majority Roto in the 2022 elections, along with the Rigthti Gashgua, who is from the region, as his deputy.

But the hunting of Jashjoa from his post last year through a dramatic projection, which he described as betrayal, caused discontent in the region. In the aftermath, some politicians allied with Roto Kikoyo’s elites were accused of feeding the opposition against the president.

Political analyst Mark Paccacte says that the president’s opposition is not ethnically driven, but it occurs through various societies in urban and rural areas.

It describes the “general strike against the” unprecedented “and” historical “system, until it exceeded the political turmoil in the 1980s and nineties when Moi led one party.

This period was characterized by brutal Hammoud and the bloody battle for multi -party democracy, but Mr. Piccchi tells BBC that this has not generated a kind of pressure that is now on Roto, adding that the tensions were then linked to the cold war and felt it across the continent.

But the academic, Dr. Najuki, says that the criticism in the president is not unusual, but it is part of political traditions during the moments of the crisis.

“All presidents, when they contradict the constitution, against the will of the Kenyan people, always faced a lot of criticism,” I told BBC.

It refers to the former leaders such as the founding president, Gomo Kenyatta and his successor, Moy – who faced extensive reverse reactions and the loss of public confidence within critical moments – including after the assassination of the main political leaders and the attempted coup against the Ministry of Agriculture in 1982.

“What differs (this time) is that the size of the spread of information is higher,” she says, noting that the impact of Kenya’s smart youth digitally, whose arrival may be widely inflated to social media and digital tools public discourse.

It also describes Roto as a “very conservative”, which indicates that his political view clashes with the most liberal values adopted by many Kenyans – especially young people.

She says this ideological incompatibility has contributed to increased tensions.

The current resistance campaigns are largely led by youth, and they looked on the Internet list, not central, and are seen as without leadership, often revealing outside the well -known political class. Since last year, he was angry due to the high cost of living, aggressive taxes, corruption and police brutality.

The president said on Wednesday: “The reference to ethnic policy and incitement to fuel the recent turmoil. We are all Kenyan,” the president said on Wednesday.

He pledged to use “any necessary means” to maintain peace and stability. The police invited to They shot the demonstrators who were targeting companies, instead of killing them. His remarks sparked more anger and ridicule.

Since last year, the Kenyan government has responded to protests and opposition with brutal f Ham, including collective arrests and the alleged kidnapping by security employees.

It is a strategy that rights groups say only to deepen public anger and isolate citizens from the state, while accusing the police of using excessive force to put out the protests.

More than 100 people have been killed in successive waves of anti -government protests since June last year. The last Monday got 38 people, which represents the most bloody disorders so far.

Instead of being a catalyst for police reform or efforts to calm demonstrators, deaths often were a spark of subsequent protests, and sadness turned into anger.

The government blamed the violence on the demonstrators, accusing them of attacking the police stations and even attempting to express a coup.

Political Communications expert, Dr. Hisson Ulila, “Perhaps the most intense anger against the regime” in the history of Kenya. He says she brought people from all aspects of life to the union in the challenge.

He put it on how the president communicates to the people. Roto’s promises to raise the fortunes of ordinary people were “very real and real” and the campaign moved from ethnic mobilization towards the policy based on issues.

“Then he became president. We are still waiting. What the Kenyans suffer from is worse,” he says to the BBC, as they acquired a deep feeling of disappointment between many Kenyans.

He says that unlike previous governments that made cautious promises, Roto did not continue, which led to pledges, which led to the breaking of expectations.

He says: “The disappointment of hope creates anger.”

Quoting an example of the shooting order on demonstrators, he also says that the president often speaks when silence may serve him better – which increases the expression of himself and made serious national issues feel personal.

As a result, when there is criticism, it tends to direct directly to it, instead of attributing to the failure of governance systems.

However, Roto has repeatedly highlighted his administration’s efforts to improve the lives of all Kenyans, pointing to the main cost housing project for the government, the global health plan, digital jobs, and an employment program abroad as major achievements.

While examining a housing site this week, he strongly admitted the youth’s unemployment, but stressed that the problem precedes his presidency.

He insisted that his government was the first to take deliberate steps to address the crisis, citing the state initiatives such as the housing project, which he says created hundreds of thousands of jobs.

He appealed to the president patience, because the problem will take some time to solve it.

However, patience, especially amid the high cost of living, unparalleled expectations, and increasing frustration, is not something that most Kenyans feel that they can bear it.

Some of these leading programs came at a very cost to the Kenyans, who now have 1.5 % of the housing tax and health insurance tax by 2.75 % deducted from their monthly income. Pain dominated some of these higher taxes on daily conversations, especially with the perception that higher taxes did not lead to better public services.

According to government credit, Dr. Ulila says that some initiatives, such as the comprehensive health care project, had a great impact, and others may eventually present to many.

But Mr. Piccchi argues that the government “lost contact with people’s feeling,” and its accent remained unchanged despite the high public discontent.

He says that the issue is unlikely to change based on how the government plays-describing it as a “love of love relationship” between people and the presidency.

This is “How do we find ourselves where we are”, and it is repeated, in reference to the extreme resentment that the president is now facing, who was one day when “the most applauded leaders and the confused to reach the state of Kenny.”