“Everyone feels insecurity”: the border panic, while the Indian forces kill the Meanmar Politics News

Flies are hovering on the bodies of men and black and hidden children, and gathering alongside a piece of waxed fabric, in the case of fatigue martial in the blood, amid preparations to burn bodies in the Tamo area in the epic area of ​​Myanmar, on the border with India.

The rapidly arranged wooden trees formed mass, with many worn out rubber tires burning along with the fire, and the orange and green are spilled out of the reach of fire.

Among the ten members of Pa Ka PA (PKP), part of the Great Popular Defense Forces (PDF), who were killed by the Indian army on May 14, was three teenagers.

PKP comes under the leadership The government of national unity (NUG), the Myanmar government in exile, which includes legislators who were removed in the 2021 coup, including legislators of the National Association of Democracy in the Democracy Association at the University of Nobel.

Mostly PDF – a network of civilian militia groups against the military government – is actually working as a NUG.

Indian army He said On May 14, the AR River Battalion (AR) killed the paramilitary force that is carrying out border patrols in the state of Manipor, in the northeastern Manipur, killed 10 armed men with “war -like stores” and who “suspected of being involved in rebel activities across the border.” The Indian army said the battalion “is working on a specific intelligence.”

Indian soldiers stationed on the border in Chandel, a neighboring area with Tamu on the side of Myanmar from the border. Manibur has been torn with a civil war between ethnic groups over the past two years, and the Indian authorities have often accused immigrants of Myanmar of fueling these tensions.

However, the dispossession of the Indian version of the events of May 14, Nug said that its cadres “were not killed in an armed meeting inside the Indian territories.” Instead, he said in a statement, “They were arrested, tortured and executed with brief measures,” members of the Indian army.

Almost five years ago, political analysts and conflict observers say that the resistance groups operating in Myanmar, along the border of 1600 km (994 miles) with India, participated in an understanding with the Indian forces, according to which both sides are effective.

This has now changed with the killings in Tamo, which led to the transmission of shock waves across NUG, dozens of rebel armed groups and thousands of refugees who fled the war in Myanmar to find a shelter in northeastern India. They are now afraid of indirectly along the broader border.

“The fighters are in a state of panic, but the refugees are more concerned – they all feel insecure now.”

Meanwhile, New Delhi moved over last year to International border fence with MyanmarThe division of ethnic societies across patriotism that enjoyed an open movement for generations, before India and Myanmar gained freedom from British rule in the late 1940s.

“We felt safe (with India in our region),” said Thaida. “But after this incident, we became very concerned, as you know, that similar things may continue from the Indian forces.”

“This has never happened four years ago (since the armed uprising against the coup), but now, she said,” she said to Al -Jazeera. “So, once there is the first time, there can be a second or third time as well. This is the biggest anxiety.”

“A proactive or revenge process?”

On May 12, the ten PKP cadres arrived at their newly created camp in Tamu after its previous location was exposed to the Myanmar army. A senior official of NUG and two local population in Tamo independently told Al -Jazeera that they had alerted the Indian army to be present.

“AR employees visited the new camp (May 12),” he claimed. “They were informed of every step.”

This followed over the next four days cannot be verified independently, with conflicting versions of Indian and NUG officials. There are also contradictions in the accounts offered by Indian officials.

On May 14, the Indian Army’s Eastern Command claimed that its forces had acted on “intelligence”, but “were fired by the suspected cadres”, and 10 cadres were killed in a fiery battle in the new Samal area in the Chandel area.

Two days later, on May 16, a spokesman for the Indian Ministry of Defense said that “a patrol of the Asam rifles” was launched. In response to revenge, they killed “10 individuals, wearing camouflaged fatigue”, and they regained seven AK-47 rifles in addition to the grenade launcher that highlight the missiles.

Five days later, on May 21, the Ministry of Defense identified men who were killed as cadres of the PKK. The ministry’s spokesperson also noted that “a patrol takes place from the region’s purification, where the fence is being built along the (border), under intense automatic fire,” with the intention of “causing severe damage to construction workers or the Asam rifle forces to deter fencing.”

Speaking to Al -Jazeera, a retired Indian government official, who advised New Delhi on her Myanmar policy a decade ago, indicated to the dissolution of Indian publications: Did Indian soldiers respond proactively to the intelligence alerts, or were they chanting an attack by the rebels from Myanmar?

“It is difficult to understand these killings. This is something that happened against playing play,” said a retired official, who asked not to be identified. He said the contradictions suggested that “a mistake, perhaps in the fog of war.”

“It cannot be a proactive process and revenge.”

Al -Jazeera requested comments from the Indian army about questions about the operation, first on May 26, then again on May 30, but it did not receive a response.

“(PKP cadres) do not have a combat coach, or even armed enough to imagine the professional army,” said Thura, a PDF officer in Sagaing, northwest of Myanmar, where Tamo also said.

“Benefit from our war”

When the Indian army informed them of the death on May 16, the local Tamo authorities rushed to the Indian side.

“I have already prepared a schedule of documents,” said Tamo, who was coordinating the delivery of the bodies, and asked not to be identified. “We were forced to sign wrong documents, or threatened not to give the bodies of the martyrs.”

Al -Jazeera reviewed three documents from the list, which means approval of the border fencing and confirming that PDF cadres were killed in a fiery battle in Indian territory.

Thuida, of the Tamo People’s Management Team and NUG officials, told Al -Jazeera that they had repeatedly asked for Indian officials to reconsider the border fencing.

She said: “During the past month, we were asking the Indian army to speak with our ministry (referring to the exile nog) and for a meeting. Until then, he stopped the border fencing process.”

“It is easy to benefit from that our country is in such a crisis. To be honest, we cannot do anything about it. We are the rebels in our country – how can we choose battles with the Great Indian army?”

Above all, Thaida said she was sad. “The condition of the bodies was horrific. Insects were growing inside the body,” she recalls. “If there is nothing, the Indian forces must respect our dead.”

Fears of the border fencing

Angchuman Chuoderi, a researcher who focuses on Myanmar and northeast India, said conflict monitors “are concerned about this killing in Tamo.”

“It is not intuitive and should not happen with any action,” he said.

Chaudhry pointed out that the main point of the conflict, the border duel, is an old issue. He said: “I have always caused friction along the border. The very violent imagination in the sense of severe regional understanding of groups on both sides.”

When New Delhi moved for the first time in the past year to end the free movement system, which allows the movement across the border, the indigenous population societies were left throughout the states in the northeastern state of Mizuram, Nagalland, Manipor and Arunatchel Pradesh. Members of these societies live on both sides of the border with Myanmar – and they have centuries.

Political and academic analysts note that border societies on both sides reconcile with the idea of ​​India and Myanmar because of freedom of travel back and forth. Chaudhry, the establishment of physical infrastructure leads to a kind of anxiety in these national societies that draw on maps.

“Through fencing, India creates a completely new form of anxiety that was not present in the 1940s, which is the direct post -colonial period,” said Ch Xodry. “It will create unnecessary forms at all from instability, ugliness and expanding the current rift lines.”

Last year, the Indian Interior Minister, Amit Shah, said that the border fencing will guarantee the “internal security” of India and “preserving the demographic structure” of the adjacent areas of Myanmar, in a move widely seen as a response to Conflict in Manibur.

Since May 2023, the continuous ethnic violence has been killed between the majority of Meitei and the Kuki and Naga minority societies more than 250 people and explained thousands. The state administration has faced allegations of exacerbation of turmoil to enhance its support among the residents of Meitei, which was denied by the government.

The government of the BHARATIEA JANATA party gave Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the state of the state of Manipor, during the era of the Bharatia Gata Party, to blame the crisis in Manibur partially for immigrants who are not documented from Myanmar, who are accused of deepening ethnic tensions.

Now, with the killings in Tamu, Chaudhry said that the Indian security forces have new borders of discontent, along the borders where many armed groups opposed to the ruling army in Myanmar – so far, are in a relative peace with the Indian forces.

He said that deaths could change the rules of engagement between Indian forces and those groups. “Remember that other rebel groups (in Myanmar) are closely seeing this,” he said. “These issues can escalate quickly.”