Brazilian democratic rule appears flexible policy

On Thursday, the Brazilian Supreme Court Committee found former President Geer Bolsonaro, comet on multiple charges, including the leadership of a criminal group and an attempt to overthrow violence of democratic rule. He was sentenced to 27 years in prison and three months.

According to the propaganda, Bolsonaro, members of the cabinet and the army sought to organize a coup after his election defeat in November 2022 and the assassination of the current president and political rival Luiz Insio Lula da Silva. The Brazilian judiciary linked the actions of the former president to the events that led to the looting of the presidential palace, the Congress and the Supreme Court in the capital, Brazilia, by his supporters in January 2023.

While the ruling was welcomed by other Latin American leaders such as Colombian President Gustavo Petro and Chilean President Gabriel Borik, the administration of US President Donald Trump, a strong ally of Polsonaro, which he condemned quickly. In the days before the ruling of the court committee, Washington increased pressure on the Brazil government by imposing a 50 percent tariff on Brazilian goods and issuing personal penalties against the Supreme Court judge Alexander de Mora under the Magnitsky Law, citing the alleged violations of human rights.

But the Brazilian government and institutions were not burning. Lula praised the decision as “historical” and we rejected attempts to interfere in the internal affairs of Brazil.

The rule is really historical, not only because it represents the first time that the Brazilian head of state owes such charges, but also because it indicates that despite the bustling history of Brazil, its democracy is a flexible, dynamic and adaptive system that works.

This may be a surprise to some. After all, the recent past in the country reflects conflicts with tyranny and repression. Since the seven decades of imperial monarchy in the nineteenth century after independence from Portugal during the Republic, the revolution of 1930, the unstable parliamentary system, the military dictatorship can be named during the Cold War and the accountability between two presidents in the Democratic Age, and Brazil easily as an inappropriate state.

Moreover, the country has a long -known area for a long time, dictatorships, and authoritarianism, and is often supported or coordinated by the United States.

The military dictatorship in Brazil was firmly supported by the US government. Washington encouraged and supported the 1964 military coup, which entered into an era of bloody repression that will end after only two decades. However, the democratic system, which was followed, has proven that it was flexible even when facing violations by political leaders.

In 1979, President Joao Peptesta Vegirido signed a law that gives pardon to all military individuals and dictatorships in an attempt to pave the way for democracy. It also worked to cover up the crimes of the military regime and protect officials.

In 2021, Bolsonaro decided to separate the policy of pardoning crimes against the state by signing legislation criminalizing coup attempts and attacks on democracy. This ruling that the Supreme Court used to ruling against it.

This is not the only time that the Brazilian courts have used the legislation agendas against the presidents against them. In 2005 during the first term of Lula, the country was shaken by a major scandal to buy votes in Congress. As part of his efforts to satisfy the public, the President Sunnis (Lei Da Ficha LimPa) has made any candidate paid by a collective judicial body (more than one judge) that is not qualified to hold a general position for eight years. In 2018, Lula Lula was prevented from running for the presidency again under his law due to the condemnation of corruption.

But these are not the only examples of Brazilian democracy that combine political storms associated with its leaders. The country has gone through two presidential evacuation without major regime shocks. The right-wing President Fernando Color (1990-1992) was removed from his post due to the corruption that included the treasurer in his campaign, while his left-wing president, Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016), lost her platform to address the federal budget.

The removal of both leaders did not lead to institutional instability, but instead paved the way for major reforms. Among them is Plano Real (the real plan) for the year 1994, which recently led to the control of inflation and work reform for the year 2017, which established the priority of the employer and employee agreements on current work legislation.

Combating, these examples show that the political system of Brazil derives the institutional power from the application of the rule of law through the ideological spectrum.

The Brazilian issue calls for a reconsideration of a long -term view, but it is inaccurate that Latin America is a land of education for unstable and unexpected democracies. It shows that institutions work and show both modernity and adaptation.

Consequently, Brazil provides a reference point for other democracies in the region and beyond.

The opinions expressed in this article are the author of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of the editorial island.