Nepal’s Gen-Z Revolution has changed power rules Opinions

Within the 48 hours when the Nepal Revolution was revealed, one question has been repeated all over the country: “Where is Lenin?” But perhaps this question was lost. For decades, not every Nepalese revolution has not been retracted by its enemies, but by those who claimed its leadership. This time, the absence of one personality was not a weak point; It was the biggest power of movement.

When the protests calmed down, one name began to circulate: Gorong Sudan, the head of the organization led by youth, Hami Nepal. But Gourong did not lead the uprising. Just appeared after the end, more as a spokesman for the leader. His late emergence was evidence of what made this rebellion different. By refusing to wipe a leader, the young demonstrators broke the past as the authority was always concentrated in a few hands. They have shown that change could appear from the collective instead of charismatic.

However, the same re -revolutionary revolution also revealed the enormous human cost to restore power. Human and economic, it was among the 48 more destroyed in the history of Nepal. At least 74 people and about 2113 people were killed in the clashes. All three democratic columns – Parliament Building, Supreme Court and Singha Durbar were burned. Violence was not limited to the capital. At least 300 local government offices were damaged throughout the country. Even the fourth pillar of democracy, the media was attacked, as Kantippur Media House, the largest private port in Nepal, indicated to a burning. Economic damage was estimated at up to three trillion Nepalese rupee (about 21 billion dollars), as the initial government figures were put in place in general infrastructure near a trillion, approximately half of the annual local product in Nepal.

By September 10, the state mechanism collapsed. The Prime Minister resigned, Parliament was in ruin, and the army was the only institution that preserves the regime. Amid this political void, the decentralized nature of the revolution has become more clear. The protest organizers used the Discord channel “Youth Against Corruption” as an improvised public box to make a decision on the front. The so -called “disagreement elections” was chaotic, while discussing thousands. One of the reports described it as a “marathon session more suitable for the Nashl Movement”, where supervisors are struggling to manage a flood of opinions than users who have anonymous handles and anime handles. More than 7,500 people voted on the platform, and they eventually chose the former chief of judges, Sushla Karki as a candidate for the interim prime minister.

However, the judgment on this revolution only with these events will not be an injustice to history. The uprising has not been planned; It was a reaction. We were simply high school and university students protesting. The massacre of 19 demonstrators, while others in their military uniforms, on the first day, a peaceful opposition turned into a national anger. The symbols of the state that would kill its children have become inevitable goals.

Now, material chaos has calmed down. A new temporary government, with the technocratic ministers, has given renewed hope. But this hope comes with a challenge: Will we fall into the old style to use external sources of leaders, or will we carry them according to new criteria? For 48 hours, the people of Nepal believed that the authority lies with the public. This was not just a belief. It was the fact that the audience stumbled through chaos.

Moving forward, the challenge facing Nepalis, both Gen-Z and beyond, is to never forget the lessons of this revolution. History will not forget what happened on September 8 and 9, but we must also ask how and why it happened.

To understand this, we must look at Nepal’s political history not as a series of isolated events but as a repeated pattern. The 2025 uprising did not appear anywhere; This was the last eruption in a long cycle of rebellion and betrayal. Marxist analytical lens can help, not as ideology but as a frame. We can borrow the concepts of “Al Qaeda” and “metal structure” and adapt them politically. The “political rule” can be understood as a firm power system in Nepal, a network of crops, corruption and rule that preserves the current situation. “Political Building” is the force that rises to challenge it, and sometimes an organized party and others, in the case of the Gen-Z, an invisible audience. This framework reveals a tragic cycle: in Nepal, all the new superstructure that succeeds just a new base.

Looking at 1951, when Nepal saw her first revolution in the century. From this lens, the political structure that rises against the ancient authoritarian base of the Rana regime was. Persons like BP Koirala, King Tribhuvan and the five martyrs have become the heroes of the revolution, but one cannot forget the roles of exile parties, the ambitious and rehabilitated bourgeois bourgeoisie. The hopes were high, and Koirla became, in particular, that hoped, and later became the first democratic elected Prime Minister in Nepal.

Those hopes, however, did not crystallize. S hardly after a decade, King Mahandra canceled Parliament, canceled the parties and entered the Bananis system, which led to sovereignty in the ownership itself. While some glorify this era as a golden age, the discontent that it produced led to protests in 1980 and in the end to the first people’s movement in 1990, which is the second great revolution in modern Nepal.

That revolution, too, followed the familiar style. Recoven multi -party democracy and transform the political base again. However, the democratic elite, which consists of the same parties that fought the bangs, failed to dismantle the basic structures of care and feudalism. Instead, they have become a new political base, where they mastered a clutchy system that would lead the country to a bloody civil war. Al -Mawi rebellion, fermenting for years before his first attack, is an other dark separation.

Looking at its roots in the communist theory, it appears that the movement of the Maoi, which reached its climax in the movement of people II, is completely suitable for this Marxist lens. But despite its ideological crust, it was very repeated the tragic cycle in Nepal. Mawi elites did not replace the political base. Join simply. Leaders have become ministers, heading the same corrupt regimes that he once condemned. They inherited the old networks of care, which led to the sustainability of sulfos and ignoring economic contradictions at the heart of their revolution. Smochs changed, but the structures remained the same.

It is too late, the deadly defect lies in all these revolutions in its leadership. Through the political spectrum, the leaders have become opportunists who have preserved a clutchidism system disguised as democracy and issued in the name of “people’s movements”. The results are never achieved for people. In this light, the leader of the recent GEN-Z Revolution in Nepal was not a weakness but rather a greater strategic power.

This historical path shows that the 2025 GEN-Z Revolution was not a sudden sparkle, but the bombing of a contract bomb in making. Social media ban was just a spark. Every “failed” revolution added pressure on a blind political basis on the economic contradictions of Nepal, and to the audience who absorbed the need for a long time ago.

The task before Nepal Revolutionary youth is now clear: to dismantle, unabated and transparently, the betrayal cycle by the same leadership. The goal is no longer the change of those who carry power, but change what the strength means. We do not once again use the external sources of hope, agency, or critical thinking of any self -announced savior. September lesson is that our only hope is ourselves. He was always ourselves – not the king, not the prime minister, not the president, not the mayor. We cannot allow another leader to kidnap the People’s Agency. Accountability must become part of the civilian DNA in Nepal to ensure vigilant, organized and wake up. The days of September 8 and 9 will not be forgotten and should never be repeated. The power should remain where it was discovered: with people.

The opinions expressed in this article are the author of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of the editorial island.