The winning elections are the only limit against the powerful

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Your guide to what the second period of Trump means to Washington, business and the world

Donald Trump is forever accused of showing a little respect for the US constitution. Because his weakness in containing it, isn’t the biggest problem that liberals show too much? More hope is placed on the separation of powers, on the famous checks and balances, which these weak things can bear.

Consider Congress. This is the least trusted Foundation in America. Its Republican members are deeply deep in Trump’s pocket that most of them voted for not ratifying Joe Biden’s victory in 2020. emergency Mandates, without great resistance from the legislative body. Or take the judiciary. Trump appointed a third of the Supreme Court, which continued to explain his powers and privileges generously. (Let’s see whether this extends in favor of the upcoming democratic president or whether some of the Judicial Feast strikes the seat at that stage) 4000 or so People for that, not only the cabinet and their direct deputies.

You will notice that a little or nothing of the above is illegal. Before violating one base, Trump can bend the state to his whims. What does that say about the state? Even if the definitions or his attempt to dismiss the ruler of the Federal Reserve this week are outside the law – the second issue is related to the court – such violations are a small part of his comprehensive leadership of the regime.

Foundations outside the government have proven that it is not difficult for him to master. The work was an alternative place for power in the past, especially in America, where individuals can collect large fortunes so that they can look at the president in the eye. Now, though, the Genleflect billionaires before Trump to secure good deeds or avoid sanctions in the care economy, as the law firms do. (“The major law continues to bend the knee for President Trump,” a White House spokeswoman in April Well, we try. But this is not the era of Walter Cronkite. A lot of news is now being consumed through social media platforms, the owners were sitting in front of the cabinet candidates in the inauguration of Trump.

The lesson here is dark, but also clarification.

The only thing that works is winning. There is no effective examination or balance against potential Autocrats regardless of overcoming them in the elections. The mania of liberals (which I mean by those who want to maintain the American way of the government) should be nothing more than politics. This requires, among other mental transformations, not tolerance with bad candidates. The fact that Kamala Harris had ruled herself from the California governor last month, rather than laughing outside the room with Merist’s hint that she might nominate her, is evidence of the problem. This strange tenderness towards the losers with assault is not unique for American liberals. Ed Miliband’s punishment for overcoming the UK elections that can profit in 2015, and whose final result was Britain’s exit from the European Union, is the leadership of energy policy in the country after a decade.

If the victory is the reliable break against power, it is a national duty to have a clock installation with the average voter. Democrats are not miles away from this person. On health care and budgetIt is the Republican Party that has losing ideas. But this is what makes Democrats’s failure to clarify their remaining electoral obligations, such as monitoring borders and cultural issues, very disturbing. Both Trump’s terms could be fully avoided.

It is an ancient liberal instinct to take things out of politics: for example, to create “rights” that cannot be continuing to be discussed in the democratic field. There is another copy of this mental crutch, which is the hope that “institutions”, within and without the state, will reflect the leader of the rogue. It is reasonable hope. The founding Bible of the Republic puts this system exactly. But the evidence for the past eight months, during which Trump has imposed a civilian and not just official life, is not encouraging. Institutions consist of human beings, not magic dust, and the president can indirectly appoint them or grind them with pressure. Consequently, the point is anxiety about the presidency, not institutions. All that matters is politics.

Of course, even winning the elections is not a comfortable dam against the likes of Trump, as it can only compete for the result. But it is the closest thing. There is a great deal of liberal energy that goes to a referral to moral or constitutional deprivation and the voters waiting for them to punish them. It should be clear now that electoral pluralism, although it does not actively support the rule of a strong man, does not mind all this much. In this case, the liberal asylum is clear: winning other issues, and used that same force as a chic. It is not the constitutionality of textbooks. Not in federal papers. But this is what exists.

This applies to liberals everywhere. Britain tends to tell itself that a permanent civil service, independent courts and a non -partisan royal screen are the nation from a malicious actor. truly? It is a more central country. Picking the executive, as you pick up a lot of it. The historical session of the United Kingdom can also change on the back of a narrow referendum. (The amendment of the United States constitution requires various supernatural parts.) Whether against Trump or Nigel Faraj, the last defense line is the same. Politics, politics and politics.

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