When the sparkling city and other Gulf countries became almost part of India

In the winter of 1956, the Times correspondent David Holden arrived on the island of Bahrain, then he was still a British protected.

After the geography of a short -term professional teaching, Holden was looking forward to spreading the Arab, but he did not expect Derbar Park in honor of the appointment of Queen Victoria as an empire of India.

Everywhere where he went to the Gulf – Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Oman – he found expected effects of British India.

Holden wrote: “Raj maintains a little fantasal effect,” which is a rich situation in homosexuality and historical paradox …

The Sultan of Oman, who received his education in Rajstistan State, was more fluent in Urdu language than the Arabic language, while the soldiers walked in the nearby Qu’aiti state, and eastern Yemen now, in the Zaydar Abadi army costume.

In the words of the ruler of Aden himself:

“One had an unusually strong impression that all the hours here had stopped seventy years ago; and that Raj was at its height, Victoria on the throne, Gilbert and Sullivan were a new and revolutionary phenomenon, and Kepling Kiblings was dangerous, it was strong from Delhi via Haidabad Street to the southern beach of the population.”

Despite its great forgetfulness today, in the early twentieth century, nearly a third of the Arabian Peninsula was ruled as part of the Indian Indian Empire.

From Aden to Kuwait, Hilal from the Arab reserves ruled from Delhi, which is supervised by the Indian political service, which was carried out by the Indian forces, and answers to the deputy king.

Under the Law of Interpretation of 1889, all of these reserves are considered part of India.

The standard list of the princely states in semi -independent India such as Jaipur Abbedi opened with Abu Dhabi, Al -Dabawi, Lord Kurson, until he suggested that Amman be treated “the original country of the Indian Empire like Lus Beyla or Kelat (the present Balochistan).”

Indian passports were issued in the far west, such as Aden in modern Yemen, which was working as a port in the far west of India and was given as part of the Bombay Province. When Mahatma Gandhi visited the city in 1931, he found many Arab youth who knew that they were Indian nationalists.

Even at the time, a few members of the British or Indian public were aware of this Arab extension of the British men.

The maps that show the full spread of the Indian Empire were published only in the higher secrecy, and the Arab regions were left outside the general documents to avoid provoking the Ottomans or later the Saudis.

In fact, as the lecturers of the Asian Royal Association said:

“As a jealous sheikh, his favorite wife obscures, so the British authorities are gaining conditions in the Arab countries in thick ambiguity that unbearable advertising may almost be exempted to think that something terrible is happening there.”

But by the twenties of the twentieth century, politics was turning. The Indian nationalists began to imagine that India is not an imperial building, but as a cultural area rooted in the geography of Mahabharata. London witnessed an opportunity to redraw the border. On April 1, 1937, the first age of several divisions of the Empire and the separation of Aden from India were separated.

A telegram was read from King George VI loudly:

“Aden was an integral part of the British Indian administration for nearly 100 years. This political association will now be broken with the Indian Empire, and Aden will take his place in the colonial empires.”

The Gulf has been under the jurisdiction of the government of India from another decade.

British officials have briefly discussed whether India or Pakistan would be allowed to “manage the Persian Gulf” after independence, however, he wrote a member of the British myths in Tehran about his surprise at the “apparent consensus” of “Delhi officials … that the Persian Gulf was only a reform of the Indian government.”

In the words of William Hai, residing in the Gulf, “it was clear that it was inappropriate to hand over the responsibility for dealing with the Gulf Arabs to the Indians or Pakistanis.”

Thus, the states of the Gulf were separated from Dubai to Kuwait, finally from India on April 1, 1947, months before Raj’s division to India and Pakistan gave independence.

After months, when Indian and Pakistani officials began integrating hundreds of princely countries into new countries, the Arab states in the Gulf will be missing from the professor’s book.

Low of eyelid, and after 75 years, the importance of what happened is just completely incomprehensible in India or the Gulf.

Without this simple administrative transfer, the Persian Gulf states may become part of India or Pakistan after independence, as happened in every other state in the Indian subcontinent.

When British Prime Minister Clement Ateli suggested a British withdrawal from Arab lands at the same time that the withdrawal from India was shouted. So Britain kept its role in the Gulf for another 24 years, as “Raj Al -Arabi” has now been informed of Whithal instead of the deputy king.

In the words of the researcher in the Gulf Paul Rich, this was “the last restoration of the Indian Empire, just as it was the last residue of the Portuguese Indian India, or Pondishiri was the end of French India.”

The official currency was still the Indian rupee. The easiest way to transport was still the “British shipping line” (the shipping company) and the thirtieth Arab states are still governed by the “British population” who carried out their professional life in the Indian political service.

The British finally removed from the Gulf in 1971 as part of its decision to abandon colonial obligations, east of Soyes.

David Holden was also written in July:

“For the first time since the peak of the East India Company in Britain, all the lands surrounding the Gulf will be in a state of freedom to search for their salvation without threatening British intervention, or rest in British protection. These final remains of British Raj – so, in fact, what it was for several years is now clear, if there were some charming roads, but they take care of the daily.”

Among all the national novels that appeared after the collapse of the empire, the Gulf states were the most successful in eradicating their relations with British India.

From Bahrain to Dubai, a previous relationship with Britain is remembered, but the referee from Delhi is not. The myth of ancient sovereignty is crucial to keeping ownership alive. However, special memories, especially from the insecure class, continue to be visualized by the Gulf.

In 2009, the Gulf researcher Paul Rich recorded a Ktari elderly man, “He is still angry when he was associated with me when he received a boy of seven or eight orange, an unprecedented fruit of an Indian employee in the British client.”

He said that the Indians were a distinct class during his youth, and gave him a pleasure to turn the tables and now they came to the Gulf as a servant. “

Today, Dubai, which was previously a simple location of the Indian Empire without greeting to the gun, is the sparkling center in the new Middle East.

A few millions of Indians or Pakistanis who live there know that there is a world in which India or Pakistan rich in oil, just as they did, Jaipur, Hyderabad, or Phalaubor.

A quiet bureaucratic decision, made in the pity of the empire, cut this link. Today, only echoes remain.

Sam Dalrembal is the author of the shattered lands: five sections and made modern Asia